Politicians drew their own districts, chose their own voters, and locked in power a decade at a time — while courts threw up their hands and called it unmeasurable. It is not unmeasurable. This statute makes gerrymandering a 15-point mathematical test with real consequences. And it protects state sovereignty honestly: the same rule for every state, whoever runs it.
Every ten years, whoever held the statehouse drew the maps — cracking and packing communities until the outcome was settled before a single vote was cast.Check it
Courts declared partisan gerrymandering essentially unmeasurable and non-justiciable, and walked away from it entirely. So it got worse, in every state where someone could get away with it.Check it
At-large conversions and annexations diluted votes by other means, with no clear standard to stop them.Check it
And the federal-state fight ran on raw politics: sovereignty invoked when convenient, coercive funding conditions used to force compliance, and no consistent line anywhere.Check it
A 15-point mathematical test, averaged over three elections, determines whether a map is gerrymandered. It is a number, not an opinion — and it applies identically to every state.
A three-stage enforcement ladder follows: escalating consequences ending in financial penalties and federal monitoring. Independent commissions are the standard; federal courts draw the map if a state won’t.
Anti-commandeering is honored consistently: states may decline to spend their own resources enforcing federal law — whether that’s gun background checks or immigration — but may never obstruct federal law or defy a court order.
Funding conditions face a three-part validity test, so "incentive" can’t quietly become coercion. And vote dilution is finally bounded.
Courts said partisan gerrymandering couldn’t be measured, so no standard existed and nothing stopped it.Check it
A defined 15-point test, computed on a three-election average — a real methodology producing a real number. What was called unmeasurable turns out to be arithmetic.
Even when a map was struck, it often stayed in use for an election or more, and the party that drew it kept the winnings.Check it
A three-stage enforcement ladder with escalating penalties — culminating in financial penalties and federal monitoring. Rigging the map stops being a free bet.
The party in power drew its own districts, and a state that refused to fix an illegal map could run out the clock.Check it
Independent redistricting commission standards, with federal courts holding default jurisdiction to draw the map if a state won’t do it lawfully. Delay stops being a strategy.
Anti-commandeering was invoked selectively — a sword when it helped your side, ignored when it didn’t.Check it
One consistent line: a state may decline to use its own resources and personnel to enforce federal law — conservative states on gun mandates, progressive states on sanctuary policy, the same rule for both. But no state may actively obstruct federal law enforcement or defy a federal court order.
Washington attached conditions to funding that states couldn’t realistically refuse — coercion dressed up as an offer.Check it
A three-part validity test for federal funding conditions, drawing the line between a genuine incentive and coercion. A state must be able to say no and mean it.
The guarantee of a republican form of government was a phrase with no trigger and no mechanism.Check it
Specific triggering events and DOJ intervention authority give the Republican Guarantee actual operative force — it can be invoked, because it now says when and how.
At-large conversions, annexations, and structural changes to election methods diluted communities’ votes without ever redrawing a line.Check it
Vote-dilution standards reach beyond redistricting to at-large conversions, annexations, and other structural election-method changes. Closing the map loophole doesn’t just move the rigging elsewhere.
Territories had no defined path to decide their own status, and states reached across their borders to punish lawful conduct elsewhere.Check it
A defined self-determination referendum, statehood review, and transition process for territories — plus enforcement of the right to travel against state extraterritorial laws. What is lawful where you go cannot be punished by where you came from.
In 1929 Congress capped the House at 435 seats. The population has nearly tripled since — so each member now represents about 760,000 people instead of the 210,000 they did then. Nobody ever voted for that dilution as a principle; a one-time administrative law just became permanent by inertia, quietly inflating small-state power in the Electoral College and thinning everyone’s direct representation.Check it
The 435 cap is abolished and can’t be re-enacted. After each census the House is sized by the cube-root rule — the total seats equal the cube root of the population, about 692 today — and it updates automatically so representation never silently thins again. And the tired objection, “where would we put them all?” is answered in the text: you expand the building or members vote securely from their districts. Facilities never outrank representation, and the Senate is untouched.
This is the plain-language version. The binding text is CS-11, which implements Article Six and Article Three, Section 2 of the Constitution.
This is your country’s law. Help shape the next draft of it.
